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position； and appealed to the universal practice of Europe； in proof
that the principle of 〃free bottoms； free goods；〃 was not
acknowledged as of the natural law of nations； but only of it's
conventional law。 And I believe we may safely affirm； that not a
single instance can be produced where any nation of Europe； acting
professedly under the law of nations alone； unrestrained by treaty；
has； either by it's executive or judiciary organs； decided on the
principle of 〃free bottoms； free goods。〃 Judging of the law of
nations by what has been _practised_ among nations； we were
authorized to say that the contrary principle was their rule； and
this but an exception to it； introduced by special treaties in
special cases only； that having no treaty with England substituting
this instead of the ordinary rule； we had neither the right nor the
disposition to go to war for it's establishment。 But though we would
not then； nor will we now； engage in war to establish this principle；
we are nevertheless sincerely friendly to it。 We think that the
nations of Europe have originally set out in error； that experience
has proved the error oppressive to the rights and interests of the
peaceable part of mankind； that every nation but one has acknoleged
this； by consenting to the change； & that one has consented in
particular cases； that nations have a right to correct an erroneous
principle； & to establish that which is right as their rule of
action； and if they should adopt measures for effecting this in a
peaceable way； we shall wish them success； and not stand in their way
to it。 But should it become； at any time； expedient for us to
co…operate in the establishment of this principle； the opinion of the
executive； on the advice of it's constitutional counsellors； must
then be given； & that of the legislature； an independent & essential
organ in the operation； must also be expressed； in forming which；
they will be governed； every man by his own judgment； and may； very
possibly； judge differently from the executive。 With the same honest
views； the most honest men often form different conclusions。 As far；
however； as we can judge； the principle of 〃free bottoms； free
goods；〃 is that which would carry the wishes of our nation。
Wishing you smooth seas and prosperous gales； with the
enjoyment of good health； I tender you the assurances of my constant
friendship & high consideration and respect。
INTERCHANGEABLE PARTS
_To James Monroe_
_Washington； Nov。 14； 1801_
DEAR SIR； The bearer hereof is Mr。 Whitney at Connecticut a
mechanic of the first order of ingenuity； who invented the cotton gin
now so much used in the South； he is at the head of a considerable
gun manufactory in Connecticut； and furnishes the U。S。 with muskets
undoubtedly the best they receive。 He has invented molds and
machines for making all the pieces of his locks so exactly equal；
that take 100 locks to pieces and mingle their parts and the hundred
locks may be put together as well by taking the first pieces which
come to hand。 This is of importance in repairing； because out of 10
locks e。g。 disabled for the want of different pieces； 9 good locks
may be put together without employing a smith。 Leblanc in France had
invented a similar process in 1788 and had extended it to the barrel；
mounting & stock。 I endeavored to get the U。S。 to bring him over；
which he was ready for on moderate terms。 I failed and I do not know
what became of him。 Mr。 Whitney has not yet extended his
improvements beyond the lock。 I think it possible he might be
engaged in our manufactory of Richmd。 tho' I have not asked him the
question。 I know nothing of his moral character。 He is now on his
way to S。 Carola。 on the subject of his gin。 Health & happiness cum
caeteris votis。
AFRICAN COLONIZATION
_To the Governor of Virginia_
（JAMES MONROE）
_Washington； Nov。 24； 1801_
DEAR SIR； I had not been unmindful of your letter of June
15； covering a resolution of the House of Representatives of
Virginia； and referred to in yours of the 17th inst。 The importance
of the subject； and the belief that it gave us time for consideration
till the next meeting of the Legislature； have induced me to defer
the answer to this date。 You will perceive that some circumstances
connected with the subject； & necessarily presenting themselves to
view； would be improper but for yours' & the legislative ear。 Their
publication might have an ill effect in more than one quarter。 In
confidence of attention to this； I shall indulge greater freedom in
writing。
Common malefactors； I presume； make no part of the object of
that resolution。 Neither their numbers； nor the nature of their
offences； seem to require any provisions beyond those practised
heretofore； & found adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes。
Conspiracy； insurgency； treason； rebellion； among that description of
persons who brought on us the alarm； and on themselves the tragedy；
of 1800； were doubtless within the view of every one； but many
perhaps contemplated； and one expression of the resolution might
comprehend； a much larger scope。 Respect to both opinions makes it
my duty to understand the resolution in all the extent of which it is
susceptible。
The idea seems to be to provide for these people by a purchase
of lands； and it is asked whether such a purchase can be made of the
U S in their western territory？ A very great extent of country；
north of the Ohio； has been laid off into townships； and is now at
market； according to the provisions of the acts of Congress； with
which you are acquainted。 There is nothing which would restrain the
State of Virginia either in the purchase or the application of these
lands； but a purchase； by the acre； might perhaps be a more expensive
provision than the H of Representatives contemplated。 Questions
would also arise whether the establishment of such a colony within
our limits； and to become a part of our union； would be desirable to
the State of Virginia itself； or to the other States … especially
those who would be in its vicinity？
Could we procure lands beyond the limits of the U S to form a
receptacle for these people？ On our northern boundary； the country
not occupied by British subjects； is the property of Indian nations；
whose title would be to be extinguished； with the consent of Great
Britain； & the new settlers would be British subjects。 It is hardly
to be believed that either Great Britain or the Indian proprietors
have so disinterested a regard for us； as to be willing to relieve
us； by receiving such a colony themselves； and as much to be doubted
whether that race of men could long exist in so rigorous a climate。
On our western & southern frontiers； Spain holds an immense country；
the occupancy of which； however； is in the Indian natives； except a
few insulated spots possessed by Spanish subjects。 It is very
questionable； indeed； whether the Indians would sell？ whether Spain
would be willing to receive these people？ and nearly certain that she
would not alienate the sovereignty。 The same question to ourselves
would recur here also； as did in the first case： should we be willing
to have such a colony in contact with us？ However our present
interests may restrain us within our own limits； it is impossible not
to look forward to distant times； when our rapid multiplication will
expand itself beyond those limits； & cover the whole northern； if not
the southern continent； with a people speaking the same language；
governed in similar forms； & by similar laws； nor can we contemplate
with satisfaction either blot or mixture on that surface。 Spain；
France； and Portugal hold possessions on the southern continent； as
to which I am not well enough informed to say how far they might meet
our views。 But either there or in the northern continent； should the
constituted authorities of Virginia fix their attention； of
preference； I will have the dispositions of those powers sounded in
the first instance。
The West Indies offer a more probable & practicable retreat for
them。 Inhabited already by a people of their own race & color；
climates congenial with their natural constitution； insulated from
the other descriptions of men； nature seems to have formed these
islands to become the receptacle of the blacks transplanted into this
hemisphere。 Whether we could obtain from the European sovereigns of
those islands leave to send thither the persons under consideration；
I cannot say； but I think it more probable than the former
propositions； because of their being already inhabited more or less
by the same race。 The most promising portion of them is the island
of St。 Domingo； where the blacks are established into a sovereignty
_de fa