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Whether he engages in private correspondences abroad； as the King of
Prussia did much； his grandmother sometimes； I know not； but
certainly such a correspondence would be very interesting to those
who are sincerely anxious to see mankind raised from their present
abject condition。 It delights me to find that there are persons who
still think that all is not lost in France： that their retrogradation
from a limited to an unlimited despotism； is but to give themselves a
new impulse。 But I see not how or when。 The press； the only tocsin
of a nation； is compleatly silenced there； and all means of a general
effort taken away。 However； I am willing to hope； as long as anybody
will hope with me； and I am entirely persuaded that the agitations of
the public mind advance its powers； and that at every vibration
between the points of liberty and despotism； something will be gained
for the former。 As men become better informed； their rulers must
respect them the more。 I think you will be sensible that our
citizens are fast returning； from the panic into which they were
artfully thrown to the dictates of their own reason； and I believe
the delusions they have seen themselves hurried into will be useful
as a lesson under similar attempts on them in future。 The good
effects of our late fiscal arrangements will certainly tend to unite
them in opinion； and in a confidence as to the views of their public
functionaries； legislative & executive。 The path we have to pursue
is so quiet that we have nothing scarcely to propose to our
Legislature。 A noiseless course； not meddling with the affairs of
others； unattractive of notice； is a mark that society is going on in
happiness。 If we can prevent the government from wasting the labors
of the people； under the pretence of taking care of them； they must
become happy。 Their finances are now under such a course of
application as nothing could derange but war or federalism。 The
gripe of the latter has shown itself as deadly as the jaws of the
former。 Our adversaries say we are indebted to their providence for
the means of paying the public debt。 We never charged them with the
want of foresight in providing money； but with the misapplication of
it after they have levied it。 We say they raised not only enough；
but too much； and that after giving back the surplus we do more with
a part than they did with the whole。
Your letter of Nov 18 is also received。 The places of
midshipman are so much sought that （being limited） there is never a
vacancy。 Your son shall be set down for the 2d； which shall happen；
the 1st being anticipated。 We are not long generally without
vacancies happening。 As soon as he can be appointed you shall know
it。 I pray you to accept assurances of my great attachment and
respect。
CRISIS ON THE MISSISSIPPI
_To the Special Envoy to France_
（JAMES MONROE）
_Washington； Jan。 13； 1803_
DEAR SIR； I dropped you a line on the 10th informing you of
a nomination I had made of you to the Senate； and yesterday I
enclosed you their approbation not then having time to write。 The
agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late suspension of
our right of deposit at N。 Orleans is extreme。 In the western
country it is natural and grounded on honest motives。 In the
seaports it proceeds from a desire for war which increases the
mercantile lottery； in the federalists generally and especially those
of Congress the object is to force us into war if possible； in order
to derange our finances； or if this cannot be done； to attach the
western country to them； as their best friends； and thus get again
into power。 Remonstrances memorials &c。 are now circulating through
the whole of the western country and signing by the body of the
people。 The measures we have been pursuing being invisible； do not
satisfy their minds。 Something sensible therefore was become
necessary； and indeed our object of purchasing N。 Orleans and the
Floridas is a measure liable to assume so many shapes； that no
instructions could be squared to fit them； it was essential then to
send a minister extraordinary to be joined with the ordinary one；
with discretionary powers； first however well impressed with all our
views and therefore qualified to meet and modify to these every form
of proposition which could come from the other party。 This could be
done only in full and frequent oral communications。 Having
determined on this； there could not be two opinions among the
republicans as to the person。 You possess the unlimited confidence
of the administration and of the western people； and generally of the
republicans everywhere； and were you to refuse to go； no other man
can be found who does this。 The measure has already silenced the
Feds。 here。 Congress will no longer be agitated by them： and the
country will become calm as fast as the information extends over it。
All eyes； all hopes； are now fixed on you； and were you to decline；
the chagrin would be universal； and would shake under your feet the
high ground on which you stand with the public。 Indeed I know
nothing which would produce such a shock； for on the event of this
mission depends the future destinies of this republic。 If we cannot
by a purchase of the country insure to ourselves a course of
perpetual peace and friendship with all nations； then as war cannot
be distant； it behooves us immediately to be preparing for that
course； without； however； hastening it； and it may be necessary （on
your failure on the continent） to cross the channel。
We shall get entangled in European politics； and figuring more；
be much less happy and prosperous。 This can only be prevented by a
successful issue to your present mission。 I am sensible after the
measures you have taken for getting into a different line of
business； that it will be a great sacrifice on your part； and
presents from the season and other circumstances serious
difficulties。 But some men are born for the public。 Nature by
fitting them for the service of the human race on a broad scale； has
stamped with the evidences of her destination and their duty。
But I am particularly concerned that in the present case you
have more than one sacrifice to make。 To reform the prodigalities of
our predecessors is understood to be peculiarly our duty； and to
bring the government to a simple and economical course。 They； in
order to increase expense； debt； taxation； and patronage tried always
how much they could give。 The outfit given to ministers resident to
enable them to furnish their house； but given by no nation to a
temporary minister； who is never expected to take a house or to
entertain； but considered on a footing of a voyageur； they gave to
their extraordinary missionaries by wholesale。 In the beginning of
our administration； among other articles of reformation in expense；
it was determined not to give an outfit to missionaries
extraordinary； and not to incur the expense with any minister of
sending a frigate to carry him or bring him。 The Boston happened to
be going to the Mediterranean； and was permitted therefore to take up
Mr。 Livingstone and touch in a port of France。 A frigate was denied
to Charles Pinckney and has been refused to Mr。 King for his return。
Mr。 Madison's friendship and mine to you being so well known； the
public will have eagle eyes to watch if we grant you any indulgencies
of the general rule； and on the other hand； the example set in your
case will be more cogent on future ones； and produce greater
approbation to our conduct。 The allowance therefore will be in this
and all similar cases； all the expenses of your journey and voiage；
taking a ship's cabin to yourself； 9；000 D。 a year from your leaving
home till the proceedings of your mission are terminated； and then
the quarter's salary for the expenses of the return as prescribed by
law。 As to the time of your going you cannot too much hasten it； as
the moment in France is critical。 St。 Domingo delays their taking
possession of Louisiana； and they are in the last distress for money
for current purposes。 You should arrange your affairs for an absence
of a year at least； perhaps for a long one。 It will be necessary for
you to stay here some days on your way to New York。 You will receive
here what advance you chuse。 Accept assurances of my constant and
affectionate attachment。
CIVILIZATION OF THE INDIANS
_To Benjamin Hawkins_
_Washington； Feb。 18； 1803_
DEAR SIR； Mr。 Hill's return to you offers so safe a
conveyance for a letter； that I feel irresistibly disposed to write
one； tho' there is but little to write about。 You have been so long
absent from this part of the world； and the state of society so
changed in that time； that details respecting those who compose it
are no lo