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their country when pretending to serve it； who have taken its wages in the days of its great struggle； and at the same time have filched from its coffers； who have undertaken the task of steering the ship through the storm in order that their hands might be deep in the meal…tub and the bread…basket； and that they might stuff their own sacks with the ship's provisions。 These are the men who must be loathed by the nationwhose fate must be held up as a warning to others before good can come！ Northern men and women talk of hanging Davis and his accomplices。 I myself trust that there will be no hanging when the war is over。 I believe there will be none； for the Americans are not a blood…thirsty people。 But if punishment of any kind be meted out； the men of the North should understand that they have worse offenders among them than Davis and Floyd。 At the period of which I am now speaking； there had come a change over the spirit of Mr。 Lincoln's cabinet。 Mr。 Seward was still his Secretary of State； but he was； as far as outside observers could judge； no longer his Prime Minister。 In the early days of the war； and up to the departure of Mr。 Cameron from out of the cabinet； Mr。 Seward had been the Minister of the nation。 In his dispatches he talks ever of We or of I。 In every word of his official writings； of which a large volume has been published； he shows plainly that he intends to be considered as the man of the dayas the hero who is to bring the States through their difficulties。 Mr。 Lincoln may be king； but Mr。 Seward is mayor of the palace； and carries the king in his pocket。 From the depth of his own wisdom he undertakes to teach his ministers in all parts of the world； not only their duties； but their proper aspiration。 He is equally kind to foreign statesmen； and sends to them messages as though from an altitude which no European politician had ever reached。 At home he has affected the Prime Minister in everything； dropping the We and using the I in a manner that has hardly made up by its audacity for its deficiency in discretion。 It is of course known everywhere that he had run Mr。 Lincoln very hard for the position of Republican candidate for the Presidency。 Mr。 Lincoln beat him； and Mr。 Seward is well aware that in the states a man has never a second chance for the presidential chair。 Hence has arisen his ambition to make for himself a new place in the annals of American politics。 Hitherto there has been no Prime Minister known in the government of the United States。 Mr。 Seward has attempted a revolution in that matter； and has essayed to fill the situation。 For awhile it almost seemed that he was successful。 He interfered with the army； and his interferences were endured。 He took upon himself the business of the police； and arrested men at his own will and pleasure。 The habeas corpus was in his hand； and his name was current through the States as a covering authority for every outrage on the old laws。 Sufficient craft； or perhaps cleverness； he possessed to organize a position which should give him a power greater than the power of the President； but he had not the genius which would enable him to hold it。 He made foolish prophecies about the war； and talked of the triumphs which he would win。 He wrote state…papers on matters which he did not understand； and gave himself the airs of diplomatic learning while he showed himself to be sadly ignorant of the very rudiments of diplomacy。 He tried to joke as Lord Palmerston jokes； and nobody liked his joking。 He was greedy after the little appanages of power； taking from others who loved them as well as he did privileges with which he might have dispensed。 And then； lastly； he was successful in nothing。 He had given himself out as the commander of the commander…in…chief； but then under his command nothing got itself done。 For a month or two some men had really believed in Mr。 Seward。 The policemen of the country had come to have an absolute trust in him； and the underlings of the public offices were beginning to think that he might be a great man。 But then； as is ever the case with such men； there came suddenly a downfall。 Mr。 Cameron went from the cabinet； and everybody knew that Mr。 Seward would be no longer commander of the commander…in…chief。 His prime ministership was gone from him； and he sank down into the comparatively humble position of Minister for Foreign Affairs。 His lettres de cachet no longer ran。 His passport system was repealed。 His prisoners were released。 And though it is too much to say that writs of habeas corpus were no longer suspended； the effect and very meaning of the suspension were at once altered。 When I first left Washington； Mr。 Seward was the only minister of the cabinet whose name was ever mentioned with reference to any great political measure。 When I returned to Washington； Mr。 Stanton was Mr。 Lincoln's leading minister； and； as Secretary of War； had practically the management of the army and of the internal police。 I have spoken here of Mr。 Seward by name； and in my preceding paragraphs I have alluded with some asperity to the dishonesty of certain men who had obtained political power under Mr。 Lincoln； and used it for their own dishonest purposes。 I trust that I may not be understood as bringing any such charges against Mr。 Seward。 That such dishonesty has been frightfully prevalent all men know who knew anything of Washington during the year 1861。 In a former chapter I have alluded to this more at length； stating circumstances； and in some cases giving the names of the persons charged with offenses。 Whenever I have done so； I have based my statements on the Van Wyck report； and the evidence therein given。 This is the published report of a committee appointed by the house of Representatives； and as it has been before the world for some months without refutation； I think that I have a right to presume it to be true。* On no less authority than this would I consider myself justified in bringing any such charge。 Of Mr。 Seward's incompetency I have heard very much among American politicians； much also of his ambition。 With worse offenses than these I have not heard him charged。
* I ought perhaps to state that General Fremont has published an answer to the charges preferred against him。 That answer refers chiefly to matters of military capacity or incapacity； as to which I have expressed no opinion。 General Fremont does allude to the accusations made against him regarding the building of the forts； but in doing so he seem to me rather to admit than to deny the acts as stated by the committee。
At the period of which I am writing； February； 1862； the long list of military successes which attended the Northern army through the late winter and early spring had commenced。 Fort henry； on the Tennessee River； had first been taken； and after that； Fort Donelson； on the Cumberland River； also in the State； Tennessee。 Price had been driven out of Missouri into Arkansas by General Curtis； acting under General Halleck's orders。 The chief body of the Confederate army in the West had abandoned the fortified position which they had long held at Bowling Green； in the southwestern district of Kentucky。 Roanoke Island； on the coast of North Carolina； had been taken by General Burnside's expedition； and a belief had begun to manifest itself in Washington that the army of the Potomac was really about to advance。 It is impossible to explain in what way the renewed confidence of the Northern party showed itself； or how one learned that the hopes of the secessionists were waxing dim； but it was so； and even a stranger became aware of the general feeling as clearly as though it were a defined and established fact。 In the early part of the winter； when I reached Washington； the feeling ran all the other way。 Northern men did not say that they were despondent； they did not with spoken words express diffidence as to their success； but their looks betrayed diffidence； and the moderation of their self…assurance almost amounted to despondency。 In the capital the parties were very much divided。 The old inhabitants were either secessionists or influenced by 〃secession proclivities；〃 as the word went； but the men of the government and of the two Houses of Congress were； with a few exceptions； of course Northern。 It should be understood that these parties were at variance with each other on almost every point as to which men can disagree。 In our civil war it may be presumed that all Englishmen were at any rate anxious for England。 They desired and fought for different modes of government； but each party was equally English in its ambition。 In the States there is the hatred of a different nationality added to the rancor of different politics。 The Southerners desire to be a people of themselvesto divide themselves by every possible mark of division from New England； to be as little akin to New York as they are to London； or； if possible； less so。 Their habits； they say； are different； their education； their beliefs； their propensities； their very virtues and vices are not the education； or the beliefs； or the propensities； or the virtues and vices of the North。 The bond that ties them to the North is to them a Mezentian marriage