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eeding。　　Would　Captain　Wilkes　have　been　right；　according　to　the　existing　law；　if　he　had　carried　the　〃Trent〃　away　to　New　York？　　If　so；　we　ought　not　to　be　content　with　having　escaped　from　such　a　trouble　merely　through　a　mistake　on　his　part。　　Lord　Russell　says　that　the　voyage　was　an　innocent　voyage。　　That　is　the　fact　that　should　be　established；　not　only　that　the　voyage　was；　in　truth；　innocent；　but　that　it　should　not　be　made　out　to　be　guilty　by　any　international　law。　　Of　its　real　innocency　all　thinking　men　must　feel　themselves　assured。　　But　it　is　not　only　of　the　seizure　that　we　complain；　but　of　the　search　also。　An　honest　man　is　not　to　be　bandied　by　a　policeman　while　on　his　daily　work；　lest　by　chance　a　stolen　watch　should　be　in　his　pocket。　　If　international　law　did　give　such　power　to　all　belligerents；　international　law　must　give　it　no　longer。　　In　the　beginning　of　these　matters；　as　I　take　it；　the　object　was　when　two　powerful　nations　were　at　war　to　allow　the　smaller　fry　of　nations　to　enjoy　peace　and　quiet；　and　to　avoid；　if　possible；　the　general　scuffle。　　Thence　arose　the　position　of　a　neutral。　　But　it　was　clearly　not　fair　that　any　such　nation；　having　proclaimed　its　neutrality；　should；　after　that；　fetch　and　carry　for　either　of　the　combatants　to　the　prejudice　of　the　other。　　Hence　came　the　right　of　search；　in　order　that　unjust　falsehood　might　be　prevented。　　But　the　seas　were　not　then　bridged　with　ships　as　they　are　now　bridged；　and　the　laws　as　written　were；　perhaps；　then　practical　and　capable　of　execution。　　Now　they　are　impracticable　and　not　capable　of　execution。　　It　will　not；　however；　do　for　us　to　ignore　them　if　they　exist；　and　therefore　they　should　be　changed。　　It　is；　I　think；　manifest　that　our　own　pretensions　as　to　the　right　of　search　must　be　modified　after　this。　　And　now　I　trust　I　may　finish　my　book　without　again　naming　Messrs。　Slidell　and　Mason。　The　working　of　the　Senate　bears　little　or　no　analogy　to　that　of　our　House　of　Lords。　　In　the　first　place；　the　Senator's　tenure　there　is　not　hereditary；　nor　is　it　for　life。　　They　are　elected；　and　sit　for　six　years。　　Their　election　is　not　made　by　the　people　of　their　States；　but　by　the　State　legislature。　　The　two　Houses；　for　instance；　of　the　State　of　Massachusetts　meet　together　and　elect　by　their　joint　vote　to　the　vacant　seat　for　their　State。　　It　is　so　arranged　that　an　entirely　new　Senate　is　not　elected　every　sixth　year。　　Instead　of　this　a　third　of　the　number　is　elected　every　second　year。　　It　is　a　common　thing　for　Senators　to　be　re…elected；　and　thus　to　remain　in　the　house　for　twelve　and　eighteen　years。　　In　our　Parliament　the　House　of　Commons　has　greater　political　strength　and　wider　political　action　than　the　House　of　Lords；　but　in　Congress　the　Senate　counts　for　more　than　the　House　of　Representatives　in　general　opinion。　Money　bills　must　originate　in　the　House　of　Representatives；　but　that　is；　I　think；　the　only　special　privilege　attaching　to　the　public　purse　which　the　Lower　House　enjoys　over　the　Upper。　　Amendments　to　such　bills　can　be　moved　in　the　Senate；　and　all　such　bills　must　pass　the　Senate　before　they　become　law。　　I　am　inclined　to　think　that　individual　members　of　the　Senate　work　harder　than　individual　Representatives。　　More　is　expected　of　them；　and　any　prolonged　absence　from　duty　would　be　more　remarked　in　the　Senate　than　in　the　other　House。　　In　our　Parliament　this　is　reversed。　　The　payment　made　to　members　of　the　Senate　is　3000　dollars；　or　600l。；　per　annum；　and　to　a　Representative；　500l。　per　annum。　　To　this　is　added　certain　mileage　allowance　for　traveling　backward　and　forward　between　their　own　State　and　the　Capitol。　　A　Senator；　therefore；　from　California　or　Oregon　has　not　altogether　a　bad　place；　but　the　halcyon　days　of　mileage　allowances　are；　I　believe；　soon　to　be　brought　to　an　end。　　It　is　quite　within　rule　that　the　Senator　of　to…day　should　be　the　Representative　of　to…morrow。　　Mr。　Crittenden；　who　was　Senator　from　Kentucky；　is　now　a　member　of　the　Lower　House　from　an　electoral　district　in　that　State。　　John　Quincy　Adams　went　into　the　House　of　Representatives　after　he　had　been　President　of　the　United　States。　Divisions　in　the　Senate　do　not　take　place　as　in　the　House　of　Representatives。　　The　ayes　and　noes　are　called　for　in　the　same　way；　but　if　a　poll　be　demanded；　the　Clerk　of　the　House　calls　out　the　names　of　the　different　Senators；　and　makes　out　lists　of　the　votes　according　to　the　separate　answers　given　by　the　members。　　The　mode　is　certainly　more　dignified　than　that　pursued　in　the　other　House；　where　during　the　ceremony　of　voting　the　members　look　very　much　like　sheep　being　passed　into　their　pens。　I　heard　two　or　three　debates　in　the　House　of　Representatives；　and　that　one　especially　in　which；　as　I　have　said　before；　a　chapter　was　read　out　of　the　Book　of　Joshua。　　The　manner　in　which　the　Creator's　name　and　the　authority　of　His　Word　was　banded　about　the　house　on　that　occasion　did　not　strike　me　favorably。　　The　question　originally　under　debate　was　the　relative　power　of　the　civil　and　military　authority。　　Congress　had　desired　to　declare　its　ascendency　over　military　matters；　but　the　army　and　the　Executive　generally　had　demurred　to　this；not　with　an　absolute　denial　of　the　rights　of　Congress；　but　with　those　civil　and　almost　silent　generalities　with　which　a　really　existing　power　so　well　knows　how　to　treat　a　nominal　power。　　The　ascendant　wife　seldom　tells　her　husband　in　so　many　words　that　his　opinion　in　the　house　is　to　go　for　nothing；　she　merely　resolves　that　such　shall　be　the　case；　and　acts　accordingly。　　An　observer　could　not　but　perceive　that　in　those　days　Congress　was　taking　upon　itself　the　part；　not　exactly　of　an　obedient　husband；　but　of　a　husband　vainly　attempting　to　assert　his　supremacy。　　〃I　have　got　to　learn；〃　said　one　gentleman　after　another；　rising　indignantly　on　the　floor；　〃that　the　military　authority　of　our　generals　is　above　that　of　this　House。〃　　And　then　one　gentleman　relieved　the　difficulty　of　the　position　by　branching　off　into　an　eloquent　discourse　against　slavery；　and　by　causing　a　chapter　to　be　read　out　of　the　Book　of　Joshua。　On　that　occasion　the　gentleman's　diversion　seemed　to　have　the　effect　of　relieving　the　House　altogether　from　the　embarrassment　of　the　original　question；　but　it　was　becoming　manifest；　day　by　day；　that　Congress　was　losing　its　ground；　and　that　the　army　was　becoming　indifferent　to　its　thunders：　that　the　army　was　doing　so；　and　also　that　ministers　were　doing　so。　　In　the　States；　the　President　and　his　ministers　are　not　in　fact　subject　to　any　parliamentary　responsibility。　　The　President　may　be　impeached；　but　the　member　of　an　opposition　does　not　always　wish　to　have　recourse　to　such　an　extreme　measure　as　impeachment。　　The　ministers　are　not　in　the　houses；　and　cannot　therefore　personally　answer　questions。　　Different　large　subjects；　such　as　foreign　affairs；　financial　affairs；　and　army　matters；　are　referred　to　Standing　Committees　in　both　Houses；　and　these　committees　have　relations　with　the　ministers。　　But　they　have　no　constitutional　power　over　the　ministers；　nor　have　they　the　much　more　valuable　privilege　of　badgering　a　minister　hither　and　thither　by　viva　voce　questions　on　every　point　of　his　administration。　　The　minister　sits　safe　in　his　officesafe　there　for　the　term　of　the　existing　Presidency　if　he　can　keep　well　with　the　president；　and　therefore；　even　under　ordinary　circumstances；　does　not　care　much　for　the　printed　or　written　messages　of　Congress。　　But　under　circumstances　so　little　ordinary　as　those　of　186l…62；　while　Washington　was　surrounded　by　hundreds　of　thousands　of　soldiers；　Congress　was　absolutely　impotent。　　Mr。　Seward　could　snap　his　fingers　at　Congress；　and　he　did　so。　　He　could　not　snap　his　fingers　at　the　army；　but　then　he　could　go　with　the　army；　could　keep　the　army　on　his　side　by　remaining　on　the　same　side　with　the　army；　and　this　as　it　seemed　he　resolved　to　do。　　It　must　be　understood　that　Mr。　Seward　was　not　Prime　Minister。　　The　President　of　the　United　States　has　no　Prime　Ministeror　hitherto　has　had　none。　　The　Minister　for　Foreign　Affairs　has　usually　stood　highest　in　the　cabinet；　and　Mr。　Seward；　as　holding　that　position；　was　not　inclined　to　lessen　its　authority。　　He　was　gradually　assuming　for　that　position　the　prerogatives　of　a　Premier；　and　men　were　beginning　to　talk　of　Mr。　Seward's　ministry。　It　may　easily　be　understood　that　at　such　a　time　the　powers　of　Congress　would　be　undefined；　and　that　ambitious　members　of　Congress　would　rise　and　assert　on　the　floor；　with　that　peculiar　voice　of　indignation　so　common　in　parliamentary　debate；　〃that　they　had　got　to　learn；〃　etc。　etc。　etc。　　It　seemed　to　me　that　the　lesson　which　they　had　yet　to　learn　was　then　in　the　process　of　being　taught　to　them。　They　were　anxious　to　be　told　all　about　the　mischance　at　Ball's　Bluff；　but　nobody　would　tell　them　anything　about　it。　　They　wanted　to　know　something　of　that　blockade　on　the　Potomac；　but　such　knowledge　was　not　good　for　them。　　〃Pack　them　up　in　boxes；　and　send　them　home；〃　one　military　gentleman　said　to　me。　　And　I　began　to　think　that　something　of　the　kind　would　be　done；　if　they　made　themselves　troublesome。　　I　quote　here　the　manner　in　which　their　questions；　respecting　the　affair　at　Ball's　Bluff；　were　answered　by　the　Secretary　of　war。　　〃The　Speaker　laid　before　the　House　a　letter　from　the　Secretary　of　War；　in　which　he　says　that　he　has