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ough long hours of debate the crowd waited。 The Senate adjourned until seven o'clock; at which time Douglas was to speak。 The visitors who were lucky enough to have gained admission waited with patient good humor for the return of the Senators; who at last began to force their way back into the Chamber through the dense throngs。
A little before seven the short figure of Douglas was observed at the door and he was greeted with loud applause from the galleries。 The session resumed and he rose to speak。 Cheered as he was by the sympathy and admiration of the visitors; it was to him a stern enough hour when he must finally break with his powerful party and battle with his utmost strength against its cherished program。 He must attack; not Buchanan; but the organized Democracy; now more powerfully entrenched than ever before。 It controlled the President and the Supreme Court and had bent them to its will in this precise quarrel。 The Senate was Democratic nearly two to one; and but two of the majority followed him in his revolt。 In the House the Democrats had a majority of twenty…five。
Foreseeing the personal consequences of his act; he opened his speech with an elaborate review of his course in Congress in relation to slavery in the Territories; showing that from the beginning he had favored leaving the whole question fairly to the inhabitants。 He stood on the principle of the Compromise of 1850 as approved and interpreted by the legislature of Illinois in 1851。 That body had declared that the people of a Territory had a right to form such government as they chose。 But was the Lecompton Constitution the act and deed of the people of Kansas? Did it embody their will? If not; Congress had no right to impose it on them。 Where was the evidence that it did embody their will? By a fraudulent vote on December 12th it was adopted by 5;500 majority。 By a fair vote on January 4th it was defeated by 10;000 majority。 The election on December 21st was ordered by the Lecompton Convention; deriving its authority from the territorial legislature。 The legislature itself ordered the election on January 4th。 Granting the argument that the organic act was in effect an enabling act; then the territorial legislature had power to authorize the Lecompton Convention and also to order it work submitted to a vote。 The legislature either had the full power of Congress over the subject or it had none。
But; it was claimed; the Constitution would have been voted down if submitted。 What right had Congress to force it upon the people? It was a mockery to call it an embodiment of their will and a crime to attempt to enforce it。 If it ever became the Constitution of Kansas it would be the act of Congress that made it so and not the decision of the people。 That it could be changed thereafter was no apology for this outrage。 It was as much a violation of fundamental principle; a violation of popular sovereignty; to force a Constitution on an unwilling people for a day as for a year or for a longer time。
If a few thousand Free Soilers had fabricated a Constitution in this fashion; prohibiting slavery forever; would the gentlemen from the South have submitted to the outrage? They were asked to admit Kansas with a State government brought into existence not only by fraudulent voting but forged returns sustained by perjury。
He paused to comment on certain diatribes in the Washington Union which had denounced him as a renegade; traitor and deserter; and read from its columns an article presenting the extreme claims of the South; arguing that all laws and Constitutions of the free States forbidding slavery were violations of the Federal Constitution; and that the emancipation of slaves in the Northern States was a gross outrage on the rights of property。 But this article; he said; was in harmony with the Lecompton Constitution; which declared the right of property in a slave to be higher than Constitutions。 This meant that the Constitutions of the free States forbidding slavery were in conflict with the Constitution of the United States and of no validity。 Hence slavery had right to exist in all the States。 But this was not the authentic Democratic faith; which left the whole question to the option of the several States。 If each one took care of its own affairs; minded its own business and let its neighbors alone; there would be peace in the country。 Seward had proclaimed a higher law which forbade slavery everywhere。 this instrument and the Administration paper proclaimed a higher law which established it in all the States。 It was time to quit this folly and yield obedience to the Constitution and laws of the land。
It was the most arrant presumption for the Administration to attempt to make this a party measure。 By what right did these accidental and temporary holders of office prescribe party politics? There had been no Convention; not even a caucus; since this question arose。 The party was not committed。 The President had no right to tell a Senator his duty and command his allegiance。 He had no power to prescribe tests。 A Senator's first duty was to his State。 〃If the will of my State is one way and the will of the President is the other; am I to be told that I must obey the Executive and betray my State; or else be branded as a traitor to the party and hunted down by all the newspapers that share the patronage of the Government? And every man who holds a petty office in any part of my State to have the question put to him; 'Are you Douglas' enemy? If not; your head comes off。'〃
What despotism on earth could equal this? The obedience of Senators was demanded on this question only。 On all else they were free。 The President was evidently guided by the old adage that a man needs no friends when he knows he is right and only want his friends to stand by him when he is wrong。
The President regretted that the Constitution was not submitted to the people; although he knew that if it had been submitted it would have been rejected。 Hence; he regretted that it had not been rejected。 Would he regret that it had not been submitted and rejected if he did not think it was wrong? And yet; he demanded their assistance in forcing it on an unwilling people and threatened vengeance on all who refused。
〃For my part;〃 he continued; * * * 〃come what may; I intend to vote; speak and act according to my own sense of duty; so long as I hold a seat in this Chamber。 * * * I have no professions to make of my fidelity。 I have no vindication to make of my course。 Let it speak for itself。 * * * I intend to perform my duty in accordance with my own convictions。 Neither the frowns of power nor the influence of patronage will change my action; nor drive me from my principles。 I stand firmly and immovably upon those great principles of self…government and State sovereignty upon which the campaign was fought and won。 I stand by the time honored principles of the Democratic party; illustrated by Jefferson and Jackson; those principles of State rights; of State sovereignty; of strict construction; upon which the great Democratic party has ever stood。 I will stand by the Constitution of the United States with all its compromises and perform all my obligations under it。 I will stand by the American Union as it exists under the Constitution。 If standing firmly by my principles I shall be driven into private life; it is a fate that has no terrors for me。 * * * If the alternative be private life or servile obedience to the Executive will; I am prepared to retire。 Official position has no charm for me when deprived of that freedom of thought and action which becomes a gentleman and a Senator。〃
When he closed; Toombs rose to reply。 The speech was offensively bitter and personal; in one memorable passage of which he announced that the slave States would take care of themselves and were prepared to bid defiance to the North and to the world。 Green of Missouri answered in coarser strain; both intimating that Douglas had been guilty of deliberate perfidy in his change of front。
On the 23rd the vote was taken and the bill passed; 33 being for it and 25 against it。
The Administration now declared war on him。 The patronage was unsparingly used against his friends and it was better for an applicant for Federal appointment to be accused of any crime than suspected of friendship with Douglas。 This separation from his party touched his feelings more deeply than any other event of his life; and we find surprising evidence of his being shaken by deep emotions that seem out of harmony with his robust and unsentimental nature。 But when we remember that all his life had been spent in the activities of politics; that his thoughts; sentiments and passions had all been political for twenty years; that the Democratic platform was at once his creed and his philosophy; we can understand something of the choking emotion that threatened to overpower him as he announced that he was thenceforth a rebel and a heretic。 After December 9th; the Administration press attacked him bitterly and he found himself everywhere proclaimed a traitor and deserter。 He told the Senate that he knew the knife would be put to the throats of his followers。 The Administration Senator