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suggested by Judge Douglas； and give them a brief attention； while I
shall have to totally omit others for the want of time。
Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from
me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of negro
citizenship。 So far as I know the Judge never asked me the question
before。 He shall have no occasion to ever ask it again； for I tell
him very frankly that I am not in favor of negro citizenship。 This
furnishes me an occasion for saying a few words upon the subject。 I
mentioned in a certain speech of mine； which has been printed； that
the Supreme Court had decided that a negro could not possibly be made
a citizen； and without saying what was my ground of complaint in
regard to that； or whether I had any ground of complaint； Judge
Douglas has from that thing manufactured nearly everything that he
ever says about my disposition to produce an equality between the
negroes and the white people。 If any one will read my speech； he
will find I mentioned that as one of the points decided in the course
of the Supreme Court opinions； but I did not state what objection I
had to it。 But Judge Douglas tells the people what my objection was
when I did not tell them myself。 Now； my opinion is that the
different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the
Constitution of the United States if they choose。 The Dred Scott
decision decides that they have not that power。 If the State of
Illinois had that power； I should be opposed to the exercise of it。
That is all I have to say about it。
Judge Douglas has told me that he heard my speeches north and my
speeches south； that he had heard me at Ottawa and at Freeport in the
north and recently at Jonesboro in the south； and there was a very
different cast of sentiment in the speeches made at the different
points。 I will not charge upon Judge Douglas that he wilfully
misrepresents me； but I call upon every fair…minded man to take these
speeches and read them； and I dare him to point out any difference
between my speeches north and south。 While I am here perhaps I ought
to say a word； if I have the time； in regard to the latter portion of
the Judge's speech； which was a sort of declamation in reference to
my having said I entertained the belief that this government would
not endure half slave and half free。 I have said so； and I did not
say it without what seemed to me to be good reasons。 It perhaps
would require more time than I have now to set forth these reasons in
detail； but let me ask you a few questions。 Have we ever had any
peace on this slavery question？ When are we to have peace upon it；
if it is kept in the position it now occupies？ How are we ever to
have peace upon it？ That is an important question。 To be sure； if
we will all stop； and allow Judge Douglas and his friends to march on
in their present career until they plant the institution all over the
nation； here and wherever else our flag waves； and we acquiesce in
it； there will be peace。 But let me ask Judge Douglas how he is
going to get the people to do that？ They have been wrangling over
this question for at least forty years。 This was the cause of the
agitation resulting in the Missouri Compromise； this produced the
troubles at the annexation of Texas； in the acquisition of the
territory acquired in the Mexican War。 Again； this was the trouble
which was quieted by the Compromise of 1850； when it was settled
〃forever 〃 as both the great political parties declared in their
National Conventions。 That 〃forever〃 turned out to be just four
years； when Judge Douglas himself reopened it。 When is it likely to
come to an end？ He introduced the Nebraska Bill in 1854 to put
another end to the slavery agitation。 He promised that it would
finish it all up immediately； and he has never made a speech since；
until he got into a quarrel with the President about the Lecompton
Constitution； in which he has not declared that we are just at the
end of the slavery agitation。 But in one speech； I think last
winter； he did say that he did n't quite see when the end of the
slavery agitation would come。 Now he tells us again that it is all
over and the people of Kansas have voted down the Lecompton
Constitution。 How is it over？ That was only one of the attempts at
putting an end to the slavery agitationone of these 〃final
settlements。〃 Is Kansas in the Union？ Has she formed a constitution
that she is likely to come in under？ Is not the slavery agitation
still an open question in that Territory？ Has the voting down of
that constitution put an end to all the trouble？ Is that more likely
to settle it than every one of these previous attempts to settle the
slavery agitation？ Now； at this day in the history of the world we
can no more foretell where the end of this slavery agitation will be
than we can see the end of the world itself。 The Nebraska…Kansas
Bill was introduced four years and a half ago； and if the agitation
is ever to come to an end we may say we are four years and a half
nearer the end。 So； too； we can say we are four years and a half
nearer the end of the world； and we can just as clearly see the end
of the world as we can see the end of this agitation。 The Kansas
settlement did not conclude it。 If Kansas should sink to…day； and
leave a great vacant space in the earth's surface； this vexed
question would still be among us。 I say； then； there is no way of
putting an end to the slavery agitation amongst us but to put it back
upon the basis where our fathers placed it； no way but to keep it out
of our new Territories；to restrict it forever to the old States
where it now exists。 Then the public mind will rest in the belief
that it is in the course of ultimate extinction。 That is one way of
putting an end to the slavery agitation。
The other way is for us to surrender and let Judge Douglas and his
friends have their way and plant slavery over all the States； cease
speaking of it as in any way a wrong； regard slavery as one of the
common matters of property； and speak of negroes as we do of our
horses and cattle。 But while it drives on in its state of progress
as it is now driving； and as it has driven for the last five years； I
have ventured the opinion； and I say to…day； that we will have no end
to the slavery agitation until it takes one turn or the other。 I do
not mean that when it takes a turn toward ultimate extinction it will
be in a day； nor in a year； nor in two years。 I do not suppose that
in the most peaceful way ultimate extinction would occur in less than
a hundred years at least； but that it will occur in the best way for
both races； in God's own good time； I have no doubt。 But； my
friends； I have used up more of my time than I intended on this
point。
Now； in regard to this matter about Trumbull and myself having made a
bargain to sell out the entire Whig and Democratic parties in 1854：
Judge Douglas brings forward no evidence to sustain his charge；
except the speech Matheny is said to have made in 1856； in which he
told a cock…and…bull story of that sort； upon the same moral
principles that Judge Douglas tells it here to…day。 This is the
simple truth。 I do not care greatly for the story； but this is the
truth of it： and I have twice told Judge Douglas to his face that
from beginning to end there is not one word of truth in it。 I have
called upon him for the proof； and he does not at all meet me as
Trumbull met him upon that of which we were just talking； by
producing the record。 He did n't bring the record because there was
no record for him to bring。 When he asks if I am ready to indorse
Trumbull's veracity after he has broken a bargain with me； I reply
that if Trumbull had broken a bargain with me I would not be likely
to indorse his veracity； but I am ready to indorse his veracity
because neither in that thing； nor in any other； in all the years
that I have known Lyman Trumbull； have I known him to fail of his
word or tell a falsehood large or small。 It is for that reason that
I indorse Lyman Trumbull。
＇Mr。 JAMES BROWN （Douglas postmaster）： 〃What does Ford's History say
about him？〃＇
Some gentleman asks me what Ford's History says about him。 My own
recollection is that Ford speaks of Trumbull in very disrespectful
terms in several portions of his book； and that he talks a great deal
worse of Judge Douglas。 I refer you； sir； to the History for
examination。
Judge Douglas complains at considerable length about a disposition on
the part of Trumbull and myself to attack him personally。 I want to
attend to that suggestion a moment。 I don't want to be unjustly
accused of dealing illiberally or unfairly with an adversary； either
in court or in a political canvass or anywhere else。 I would despise
myself if I supposed myself ready to deal less liberally with an
adversary than I was willing to be treated myself。